What Real Estate Has to Become — Climate, Code, and the Shape of Cities

Published at May 6, 2026 ... views


The thing that finally clicked for me about long-term real estate trends is how interconnected they are.

For a long time I thought of demographics, climate change, housing affordability, and smart-city technology as four separate stories. Each one had its own headlines, its own academic literature, its own industry conferences. The development industry treated them mostly the same way — separate planning conversations, separate consultants, separate sustainability reports.

The more I looked at how the most thoughtful developers and city planners are operating, the more I realized those four stories are really one story. The places people want to live are shifting. Climate change is forcing buildings and infrastructure to do more with less. The cost of housing is making the most desirable places unaffordable for the people who actually work there. And technology is finally becoming integrated enough into the urban fabric to change what's possible.

Real estate over the next two decades is not going to be reshaped by any single force. It's going to be reshaped by the interaction between four forces — slowing population growth, climate constraints, housing unaffordability, and technological integration — that together are rewriting what gets built, where it gets built, and for whom. The developers, lenders, and policymakers who treat these as four separate problems are already behind. The ones who see them as one connected problem are quietly making the projects that look obvious in retrospect.

If you only have a few minutes, here's the synthesis:

  • Demographics. US population growth has slowed enough that long-term forecasts have to be locally specific — national averages no longer represent any specific submarket well. California is the clearest case where the curve has already turned.
  • Climate. Reshaping real estate primarily through regulation, not single events — stormwater capture, energy efficiency, floodplain restrictions. Projects built only to today's code will face costly retrofits within fifteen years.
  • Affordability. Not solvable without significant supply expansion, and the homeowner-as-investor incentive structure works against that expansion in most supply-constrained metros.
  • Technology. Smart-city infrastructure is finally catching up to make integrated buildings useful — transit signal priority, distributed energy, citywide connectivity. Buildings being designed today are starting to anticipate it rather than wait for it.

The rest of the post is the long version of why those four are really one story.

A high-key daylight aerial of a coastal city in transition with walkable neighborhoods, suburban blocks, protected green space, solar and wind infrastructure, and hand-lettered Climate Code Cities labels

The demographic ceiling that's quietly binding

The first force is the one that's hardest to see week to week but matters most over decades: US population growth has slowed.

The reasons are familiar and overlapping. Birth rates are lower. Younger generations are forming households later. Immigration has slowed in fits and starts depending on policy. The cumulative effect is a population growth curve that's still positive nationally but much flatter than it was twenty or thirty years ago.

For real estate, this matters in a specific way. Population growth is the underlying engine for housing demand. If a metro is gaining 50,000 people a year, it needs roughly 20,000 new housing units a year to absorb them. If that growth slows to 10,000 people a year, the new-housing demand drops by 80% — even though the existing population is still there.

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California is the clearest example of where the demographic story has already turned.

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The line that climbed steeply for over a century is now visibly flattening. The 2020 Census apportionment release showed California losing a congressional seat for the first time in its history. The Census Bureau's state-to-state migration tables show roughly 6.2 million people left California over the decade while 4.9 million moved in — a net domestic outflow of about 1.3 million residents. The COVID border closures made the drop worse, but the underlying trend was already there.

A line of moving trucks heading east on Interstate 80 out of California at dawn, with hand-lettered 1.3M net outflow text over the road

The piece that's most easily missed is that international immigration has been the largest single driver of US population growth for decades. As long as that piece is uncertain — and it has been, on and off, for the past several years — the long-term housing demand forecast is uncertain too. Developers and lenders who built models assuming pre-2010 growth rates have spent the last few years revising those models downward.

Cities and suburbs are both growing, despite the headlines

Inside that demographic shift, the geographic story is more complicated than the headlines suggest — where, within a metro, people are choosing to live. The simple narrative is that everyone moved to the suburbs during COVID and downtowns are dying. The actual data is more complicated and more interesting.

For most of the post-war period, suburbs grew faster than cities. The 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s all saw urban areas capturing only 7–10% of total household growth, with the suburbs capturing the rest. Then something shifted in the 2010s.

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Urban areas captured roughly double the share of household growth they had in the prior three decades. Brookings demographer William Frey has documented the same shift from the Census side: for each year between 2010–11 and 2014–15, primary-city growth outpaced suburban growth — a sustained reversal of the postwar default. Baby boomers downsizing into urban condos. Young tech and creative workers staying urban longer. Foreign immigrants concentrating in cities for the job market and the social network. All three converging at once.

Then COVID happened, and a lot of people predicted the urban resurgence would reverse. Some of it did, briefly. Most of it didn't. By 2024, urban areas had recovered most of their pandemic outflows, while suburbs and exurbs continued to grow at the rate they had been growing all along.

The actual pattern that's emerging is that both are growing, for different reasons.

A daylight diptych labeled Urban Infill and Suburban Growth, showing a mid-rise apartment under construction beside a tract-house subdivision also under construction

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For developers, the practical takeaway is that the binary "is urban or suburban winning" framing isn't useful anymore. Both submarkets are growing, and the right project depends on which submarket and which user. A walkable urban infill apartment building serves a different demographic than a master-planned suburban subdivision, and both can pencil if the local fundamentals support them.

What is clearly happening is the drive-until-you-qualify pattern in expensive coastal metros. People who want to stay in the region but can't afford the inner ring drive farther and farther out until they find housing they can afford. That extends commutes, increases vehicle miles traveled, and creates demand for retail and services in places that didn't have them before.

Smart growth and place-making as the design response

The planning response to all of this — the way cities and developers are trying to shape what gets built — has converged around two overlapping ideas: smart growth and place-making.

Smart growth is the framework. It's a set of design principles aimed at limiting sprawl while accommodating growth. The core moves:

  • Mix land uses so people can live, work, shop, and recreate in shorter distances
  • Provide a range of housing types so the same area can support different incomes and household sizes
  • Build walkable neighborhoods with continuous sidewalks, short blocks, and pedestrian-friendly design
  • Integrate transit options so people don't have to own a car for every trip
  • Eliminate single-family-only zoning in places where it's blocking gentle density
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The single-family piece is the one that's politically hardest. Many California cities have voted in the last few years to allow duplexes, triplexes, and accessory dwelling units on lots that were previously restricted to one detached house. The change is incremental — most lots aren't being immediately redeveloped — but the rules now allow gradual densification where they didn't before. That's smart growth working at the level of code rather than at the level of any individual project.

Place-making is the complementary idea, applied at the neighborhood and project scale. It's about giving a place character, identity, and reasons for people to spend time there beyond just the transactional reasons.

The most concrete recent example is what COVID did to outdoor dining. Pre-2020, most cities heavily restricted restaurants from using sidewalk or parking-lot space for dining. When indoor dining became unsafe in 2020, cities relaxed those rules out of necessity. By 2022, most jurisdictions had made the relaxations permanent — and the outdoor parklets, expanded sidewalks, and converted parking spaces have become a defining feature of post-pandemic urban life.

San Diego's "Spaces as Places" plan codified this for the city: commercial buildings in transit-priority areas can convert parking to outdoor dining permanently, with regulations governing how it gets done and how the public-private use of formerly public space gets compensated. That's place-making at the policy level — turning what was an emergency adaptation into a long-term design feature.

A San Diego-style parklet in high-key daylight, with curbside parking converted into outdoor restaurant seating and hand-lettered Spaces as Places text

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For developers, smart growth and place-making aren't just planning theory anymore. They're increasingly the framework that municipalities use to evaluate new projects. A project that doesn't align with smart-growth principles is harder to entitle. A project that does often gets meaningfully better treatment in the approval process.

Climate change is rewriting the regulatory envelope

The second force is climate change, and the way it's reshaping real estate is mostly through regulation and risk pricing rather than through dramatic single events.

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The Houston flooding example is the textbook case for why this matters. Houston grew aggressively for decades with very loose land-use controls. Vast areas were paved over, drainage capacity didn't keep up, and natural water-flow paths were blocked by development. When major storms hit, the city flooded in places it hadn't flooded before — not because the storms were unprecedented, but because the development pattern had eliminated the natural ability of the land to absorb water. ProPublica and the Texas Tribune's Boomtown, Flood Town investigation documented this directly: more than a third of the properties that flooded in the 2015 Memorial Day and 2016 Tax Day storms were outside FEMA-designated high-risk zones, in neighborhoods that hadn't flooded in decades — until the prairie that absorbed the water was paved over.

A Houston suburban cul-de-sac under pale floodwater with submerged mailboxes, a kayak, and hand-lettered Outside FEMA Zones text

That story is now being told in regulatory chambers across the country. Cities are increasingly requiring stormwater capture and reuse on individual projects. They're tightening floodplain restrictions. They're mandating green infrastructure — trees, permeable paving, bioswales — that does some of the work that natural land used to do.

For buildings, the parallel pressure is energy. Building codes have been steadily tightening on insulation, window performance, HVAC efficiency, and renewable energy integration. California's Title 24 is the most aggressive in the country — the latest 2025 update took effect January 1, 2026 — but other states are following. New construction has to meet much higher performance standards than it did even a decade ago, and existing buildings face mandatory retrofit requirements in some jurisdictions.

The combined effect is that building costs are going up, ongoing operating costs are coming down, and the incentive structure increasingly rewards developers who build to standards above the code minimums. A project that's just code-compliant today is probably going to be obsolete in fifteen years. A project that's well above code is positioned for the regulations that haven't been written yet.

There's also a habitat and open-space component that's easy to forget. As climate stress on natural ecosystems increases, the value of preserving open space — for habitat, for stormwater absorption, for cooling, for community wellbeing — goes up. That changes the calculus on master-planned communities, where the open space allocation isn't just an amenity, it's a regulatory requirement and an environmental asset.

The B1M's tour of cool-pavement programs in Los Angeles, green-roof mandates in Toronto, and water-feature ventilation in Beijing is a good five-minute survey of how this is already happening at the project scale, not just the policy scale:

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Housing affordability and the homeowner contradiction

The third force is housing affordability — and the part that finally clicked for me is how internally contradictory the US relationship with housing actually is.

The basic data is unambiguous. Housing costs have outpaced median household income for decades.

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In California specifically, between 1990 and 2018, median home prices and construction costs both climbed steeply, while median household income grew much more slowly and CPI grew moderately. The gap between what housing costs and what people earn widened year after year, and that widening hasn't reversed. The California Legislative Analyst Office's High Housing Costs: Causes and Consequences report charts the divergence directly and traces it to chronic underbuilding — California built about 120,000 units a year over 1980–2010, versus the ~210,000 the LAO estimates would have been needed to keep prices in line with the national median. The shortfall is roughly 2.7 million homes.

A Bay Area open-house bidding-war scene with buyers lined up outside a modest home, an agent at the door, and hand-lettered Multiple Offers text

The structural cause is mostly supply. California (and most other supply-constrained metros) hasn't built enough housing to keep up with demand. The reasons are familiar — restrictive zoning, lengthy processes, neighborhood opposition to density, high construction costs, regulatory complexity. Each of those forces has its own constituency, and changing any of them requires sustained political effort against organized opposition.

The contradiction that gets less attention is that housing in the US is treated as two incompatible things at once:

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Most homeowners hold the bulk of their personal wealth in their home. The Federal Reserve's most recent Survey of Consumer Finances puts the 2022 median household net worth at about $193K and the median net housing value at about $200K — for the median homeowner, in other words, home equity is roughly equal to total net worth. They have a real, immediate financial interest in their home appreciating in value — which means they have a financial interest in housing supply staying constrained. At the same time, society broadly recognizes that housing should be affordable to working families, that homelessness is a crisis, and that the next generation should have a path to homeownership.

These two things are only compatible if housing supply expands fast enough that prices stay flat or grow slowly while existing owners' equity grows mostly through paying down their mortgage. In practice, in supply-constrained metros, supply doesn't expand fast enough, and the contradiction becomes a zero-sum fight between current owners and prospective buyers.

The honest version of the trade-off — voiced more often by individual homeowners than by their political representatives — is that any given owner has watched their property appreciate dramatically through no effort of their own, and many would personally accept lower appreciation in exchange for broader affordability. But "many" isn't "most," and the political coalition behind tighter supply is consistently larger than the one behind looser supply. The industry and the political process are still working through that asymmetry.

For developers, the practical implications are immediate. Affordable and middle-income housing is where most jurisdictions want new construction to focus. Subsidies, density bonuses, and streamlined entitlement processes are increasingly tied to affordable unit allocations. The math is hard — affordable housing is expensive to build and capped on rent — but the policy environment is increasingly supportive of developers who lean into it.

Smart buildings and smart cities — finally getting integrated

The fourth force is technology. For years, "smart buildings" and "smart cities" felt like marketing language more than substance. The buildings had a few sensors. The cities had some Wi-Fi in parks. None of it added up to much.

What's changed is the integration. Buildings now routinely run lighting, HVAC, security, irrigation, fire systems, and occupancy management through unified platforms, often controllable from a smartphone app. Cities are slowly building the underlying infrastructure — high-speed internet, 5G coverage, sensor networks — that makes the building-level smart features actually useful at scale.

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A practical example: cities are starting to install transit signal priority systems, where buses with transponders trigger stoplights to turn green as they approach. The same technology that fire trucks and ambulances have always used, applied to public transit. Small change, but it makes transit meaningfully faster — which makes transit more attractive — which is one of the few real ways to reduce car dependency.

Smart electrical grids are another example. The grid is gradually becoming able to integrate distributed renewable energy (solar on individual buildings, wind on the perimeter), back-fill with conventional generation when renewables aren't producing, and route power around faults intelligently. That integration is a pre-condition for buildings to participate in the energy system as more than just consumers.

The piece I find most interesting is what happens when the city-level infrastructure gets built out enough that buildings can plug into it directly. Stormwater capture systems on individual buildings that connect to a citywide reuse network. Building energy systems that sell back to the grid in real time. Transit-oriented developments that integrate with the mobility-as-a-service systems municipalities are testing.

None of that is fully built today. China is probably going to lead on the integrated smart-city stack because they can subsidize at scale and build greenfield test cases. The US will follow more slowly, with cities like San Diego, Seattle, and Boston making incremental moves. But the trajectory is clear, and developers building today are starting to design buildings that can take advantage of the smart-city infrastructure that's coming, rather than just the infrastructure that exists.

The counterargument worth taking seriously

The strongest objection to all of this is that the four-forces framing is post-hoc storytelling on top of a much simpler mechanism. Edward Glaeser's Triumph of the City — and the more technical Glaeser & Gyourko (2018) housing-supply work — argues that almost everything interesting about US metros traces back to one variable: how elastic the local housing supply is. Houston floods and stays cheap because zoning is loose and developers can build. California burns and stays unaffordable because zoning is tight and they can't. In that view, "climate," "demographics," and "smart cities" aren't co-equal forces — they ride on the supply elasticity of the fourth one. The integration story is a way of dressing up a supply-and-demand curve.

A chalkboard-style supply-and-demand curve with the supply line tagged everything else, small real-estate doodles around the chart, brush-orange annotations, and hand-lettered Glaeser would say caption

Side-by-side aerial illustrations comparing Houston loose supply and San Francisco tight supply at identical scale, with hand-lettered zoning and elasticity notes

I think Glaeser is right that supply elasticity is the dominant variable and that a lot of the integration story is downstream of it. But I'd push back on the implied conclusion that the framing doesn't matter. Supply elasticity explains why metros diverge; it doesn't explain what gets built once supply opens up. A loosely zoned Houston builds car-dependent sprawl that will pay for itself for forty years and then face a climate-retrofit bill nobody priced in. A loosely zoned Austin builds something different. The supply variable sets the volume knob; the four-forces interaction sets what the music sounds like. Both views are useful, and the developer who only watches the volume knob misses the song.

What ties all of this together

The cleanest visual of this kind of feedback I know of comes from ecology, not real estate. When wolves were reintroduced to Yellowstone in 1995, they didn't just reduce the deer population. They shifted where the deer grazed, which let cottonwood and willow recover, which brought back beavers, which changed the path of rivers. One species shifted, and the whole landscape rearranged itself:

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(The science is messier than the video implies — researchers have since pushed back on parts of the cascade story — but the systems intuition holds.) Real-estate forces feed each other the same way.

Slowing population growth means less new housing demand at the aggregate level — but it also means more concentrated demand in the metros and submarkets people are still moving to, which intensifies the affordability problem in those places.

Climate change is forcing buildings and infrastructure to do more, which raises construction costs, which makes affordability harder, which pushes people farther out, which extends commutes, which increases vehicle emissions, which feeds back into climate change.

Smart growth and place-making are partly a response to the climate problem (denser, more walkable, less car-dependent) and partly a response to the affordability problem (more housing types per acre, better use of existing infrastructure). Smart cities and smart buildings are the technology layer that makes both more feasible at scale.

You can pull on any one of these threads and the others move. That's why the developers, planners, and policymakers who treat them as one connected system tend to get further than the ones who treat them as four separate problems.

I used to think real estate development was mostly about the next project — what to build, where, for whom. The longer view is much more interesting. The next project is real, but the next twenty years of projects will be shaped by how the industry adapts to forces that nobody on the project team controls. The firms that recognize that and adjust early are the ones that will still be relevant when the changes are obvious.

What this will look like in retrospect

Kenneth Jackson's Crabgrass Frontier tells the story of postwar suburbanization as a tightly integrated phenomenon — federal highway subsidies, FHA mortgage rules, mass-produced construction, cheap land, and racial covenants all reinforcing one another to produce the suburban form most Americans now live in. Contemporaries didn't see it that way. The people building Levittown thought they were just building houses. The people writing FHA underwriting rules thought they were just managing risk. It took forty years for the integration to be obvious — by which point the result was baked into millions of acres of land use that's now expensive to undo.

A high-key daylight 1950s Levittown aerial with rows of identical postwar houses and hand-lettered 1955 looked obvious later text

I think the four-forces story is at the same stage postwar suburbanization was in 1955. The pieces are visible if you look. The interaction is mostly invisible. The buildings going up this year will still be standing when the integration is obvious to everyone.

If I'm wrong, here's what I'd expect to see in the next five years: the four forces decoupling instead of converging — climate regulation stalling out, demographic forecasts re-tightening, smart-city infrastructure underdelivering the way Sidewalk Labs did, and supply elasticity (per Glaeser) explaining almost everything that's left. Watch the divergence; that's the falsifier.

The thing that stayed with me most is how quietly this is all happening. There's no dramatic moment when a city becomes a smart city, a market becomes climate-vulnerable, or a generation can't afford housing. It happens gradually, through a thousand small decisions made by developers, planners, lenders, and homeowners — most of whom don't fully realize they're shaping the long arc of the built environment.

So the question I'd hand back to anyone reading this is: which of the four forces are you already pricing into the projects you're touching this year — and which are you still treating as someone else's problem?

This post concludes the future-trends arc of my ongoing series on real estate development — Real Estate Development. The previous two posts cover why real estate evolves slowly and what COVID accelerated.


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